Loyalist Trails Newsletter 2020-48 (December 6, 2020)

In this issue:

  • A Second Remembrance Day for Unmarked Graves
  • More Loyalist Tales of the Unexpected by Stephen Davidson
  • Borealia: At a Crossroads: Connections and Family Formation in Montréal, 1700-1750
  • Jacob Williams, Third Child of Patriach Samuel
  • Atlantic Loyalist Collections: Loyalist Borderlands on Campobello Island: The Ordeal of Gillam Butler Part One
  • JAR: William Allen and His Family: Tories or Patriots?
  • JAR: La Petite Guerre and American Indian Irregular Warfare: Siblings, But Not Twins
  • ERC: Defence, Honour, and Dress in Renaissane Male Wardrobe
  • The Queen Will Spend ‘Quiet’ Christmas at Windsor Castle
  • Netflix Fails to Show Real Importance of the Crown
  • Who is Kevin Wisener UE?
  • Additions to the Loyalist Directory
  • Where in the World are Grietje and Bob McBride, and Bill Atkinson?
  • From the Twittersphere and Beyond

 

 

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A Second Remembrance Day for Unmarked Graves
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More Loyalist Tales of the Unexpected
copyright Stephen Davidson UE
Truth, they say, is stranger than fiction. Loyalist history underscores the accuracy of this statement time and again. Here are three stories of soldiers that illustrate the point.
Who would imagine that a rebel soldier would make the Loyalist colony of New Brunswick his home? At the age of 17, Jared Tozer enlisted as a soldier in the Continental Army. The Connecticut native was at the siege of Yorktown that resulted in the surrender of the British forces under the command of Lord Cornwallis. At the revolution’s end, Private Tozer received an honourable discharge. For unspecified reasons, the Patriot veteran decided to settle in the northern part of New Brunswick in 1790 at the age of 26.
Tozer stayed there until 1835 when, at age 71, he visited the United States to obtain a pension for his service during the revolution. He not only received $100.00 a year as a pension for the next 21 years, he also was given $500.00 in arrears. Jared Tozer, rebel veteran, returned to Northesk, New Brunswick where he died on November 22, 1850 at the age of 86.
How history is written depends very much on the perspective or politics of the one recording the events of the past. In the case of George Walker, there are both Loyalist and Patriot accounts of a violent episode in his life. The differences are a case study in how the same event can be seen by biased viewers.
The basic facts:
George Walker was a gunner for the British forces at Fort Johnson that guarded the entrance to the harbour of Charlestown, South Carolina on September 15, 1775. Fearful of patrolling British naval vessels, the local Patriots ordered the capture of the small garrison that manned the fort. Having been tipped off of the approaching raid, the British removed their guns and escaped, leaving only George Walker and four others to defend the fort. On September 15, 1775, rebel troops immediately captured the five remaining soldiers. Fort Johnson was then re-armed with artillery to ward off the British. Fort Johnson would remain in American hands until 1780.
The Patriot report:
After his capture at Fort Johnson, George Walker was described as being given “a new suit of clothes yesterday without the assistance of a single tailor. His crime was nothing less than damning us all.” Walker’s new “suit” was a covering of tar and feathers. After its application to his naked flesh, he was then pelted with mud. But his punishment was not over. The Loyalist’s cart was then dragged through the streets of Charleston. In addition to being forced to “drink damnation to King George”, Walker went on a “circumcartation {sic}” during which “he was stopped at the doors of the principal non-associators {Loyalists} and made to drink damnation to them all… At the expiration of five hours {Walker was}… put under a pump and pumped upon one hour, and finally to be thrown into the river. ” (Note the gleeful tone in this retelling.) Walker’s version was somewhat different.
The Loyalist account:
George Walker survived this persecution in Charleston, and later appeared before the loyalist compensation board when it convened in London on March 29, 1784. Walker testified that “The same day he was seized by a mob of above 500 men who put him under a mock trial as a Tory and enemy to that country and sentenced to be stripped naked, tarred and feathered carted through the town and pelted with stones for 5 hours together and then pumped upon him for an hour and thrown into the river off the wharf. He swears that he had received many violent wounds, had two ribs broken and from these assaults one of the men who guarded him was so near killed that he has heard that the man never recovered.” (Note the additional details in this account.)
After hearing Walker’s story, the compensation board recognized George Walker as “A Loyalist {who} did his Duty at the Fort where he was wounded and lost his Effects.”
The third instance of unexpected Loyalist history has to do with Joseph Mercer, a white Loyalist who asked to settle in Sierra Leone with the Black Loyalists of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.
Born in Virginia, Mercer was living in North Carolina at the outbreak of the American Revolution. He joined the local Loyalist militia in 1776, but when it was defeated at the Battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, he escaped into the woods where he hid for six months. Although local Patriots posted a £100 reward for his capture, Mercer was able to leave North Carolina on a British ship bound for New York. He remained on Long Island for the duration of the war where he was eventually reunited with his wife Sarah and their two young children.
The Mercers were among the first Loyalists to arrive in what is now Saint John, New Brunswick in May of 1783. The family settled in Burton, a community on the St. John River just below Maugerville.
Sometime over the next 4 years, the Mercers returned to Saint John, by which time they had two more children. In 1787, Mercer appeared before the loyalist compensation board in the hope of receiving financial restitution for all of his wartime losses. These included an enslaved African, 500 acres of land, 30 cattle, 100 hogs, sheep, horses, furniture and farming utensils. When compensation was delayed because of insufficient documentation, Mercer asked for a “small supply of necessaries which will relieve him and his family from the most extreme distress.”
Joseph Mercer’s name does not appear in any records again until December of 1791. During his family’s years of poverty, the Black Loyalist settlers of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick also sought relief from their desperate situation. Ever since their arrival in the colonies these Blacks were denied the land and equality that they had been promised when the British had liberated them during the revolution.
Frustrated by the injustice they suffered at the hands of local authorities, they deputized Thomas Peters to go to London to speak on their behalf. When he returned, Peters brought news that the British government was prepared to provide free passage to West Africa so that the Black Loyalists could establish the colony of Sierra Leone. Free land and the opportunity to determine their own futures made the opportunity appealing to over 200 of New Brunswick’s free Blacks.
As Black Loyalists from both New Brunswick and Nova Scotia gathered in Halifax to prepare for the transatlantic journey, John Clarkson bought the food and supplies necessary for fleet of immigrants. A British naval officer, Clarkson dealt with local officials and all of the attendant paper work to recruit free Black settlers for Sierra Leone.
While the colony was intended as a new home for free Christian Blacks, the white Loyalists of the Maritimes were aware of what the British government was offering their Black Loyalist neighbours. On December 1st, 1791, John Clarkson received a letter from Joseph Mercer in Saint John. The Loyalist veteran complained “that he and many of his associates were in a similar situation with the Blacks and wished to become settlers at Sierra Leone”.
Clarkson recorded the answer to Mercer’s request in his diary. “It is impossible for me to admit these people generally as it is contrary to my instructions.”
Failing in his last bid for aid from the British government, Joseph Mercer and his family remained in New Brunswick. The last reference to him in the public record was in the 1851 obituary of his son, Joseph Junior, who, it was noted, was “born in New York and came to this province as a child with his father in 1783”.
To secure permission to reprint this article contact the author at stephendavids@gmail.com.

Borealia: At a Crossroads: Connections and Family Formation in Montréal, 1700-1750
By Alanna Loucks 30 November 2020
Montréal was always a crossroads. Located along the St. Lawrence River, the continental highway, the city developed as a space defined by mobility and fluidity. This connected and dynamic character influenced the diverse demographic landscape of Montréal, and facilitated and encouraged the relationships that inhabitants developed within the city and across the French colonial empire. The life and connections of French soldier, Luc de La Corne St. Luc, encapsulates the fluidity and interconnectedness that characterized this city at a crossroads. Born into a prominent military family, La Corne began his career as an officer, but he quickly diversified his activities and built extensive commercial relations with prominent French merchants and members of the dynamic Indigenous communities involved in the fur trade whom he encountered throughout the pays d’en haut. Through his three marriages to prominent members of Montréal society, La Corne solidified his position among the elite members of society. Tracing the lives and connections of individuals, such as La Corne, can uncover a unique micro-historical perspective on the development of Montréal as a crossroads, and presents a window into the day-to-day experiences and interactions of the peoples who contributed to the growth and importance of the city.
Although French individuals, such as La Corne, did contribute to the growth of Montréal as an interconnected hub, they were not alone. The mobility that characterized this city also brought diverse peoples of Indigenous and African descent, both free and enslaved, into Montréal, who in turn, contributed to the city’s character. Tracing only the connections of La Corne does not capture the complexity of this city. However, a consideration of French households in eighteenth-century Montréal, which could include French families, European and Indigenous business partners, indentured servants, and slaves of Indigenous and African descent, allows for a more inclusive consideration of Montréal’s development as a crossroads. The households that lined the city’s busy streets were microcosms of broader migration and marital patterns, changing occupations, ethnic diversity, and slave ownership in the city, while also reflecting distinct expressions of family formation among the French, Indigenous, and African descent members of Montréal society. Although not universally representative, the household of Luc de La Corne presents an opportunity to examine the ways that factors such as status, wealth, gender, ethnicity, or occupation could influence the composition of individual households, and to analyze how the diverse members of these households carved out spaces for themselves and created individual connections, which collectively built this city at a crossroads. Read more…

Jacob Williams, Third Child of Patriach Samuel
By Phil Eschbach
Patriarch Samuel Williams’ third child was Jacob Williams, born about 1740, in Anson County, North Carolina. So far as is known, he never married. He was a successful shop keeper and a fervent loyalist, joining the various militias in support of the British troops in the southeast during the Revolution. In August, 1775, Jacob set out with his father Samuel Williams, to seek help from British Governor Martin. The rebels found out about it and ambushed them in Bladen County on their return. Samuel and Jacob were tried, but fortunately acquitted on August 28, 1775.
He fought along-side his father and brothers in various skirmishes and battles, including the Battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge in 1776. He was seriously wounded and by some accounts had his leg shot off. Later that year he was captured and imprisoned for nearly two years at the jail in Cross Creek; all his property was seized and sold. He lost 355 gallons of rum that belonged to his brother Abner. He also lost a thousand pounds of sugar, six hundred twelve gallons of molasses, a trading boat, lumber, and several horses.
He finally escaped, making his way to British lines. He then raised a troop of four hundred men in South Carolina and joined the East Florida Rangers. East Florida governor Patrick Tonyn offered him a commission as Captain in the Rangers under Colonel Brown. Brown used him as a dispatcher of messages to North and South Carolina. They made many incursions in Georgia, but Jacob was captured again at the battle of Kettle Creek and imprisoned at Ninety-Six, South Carolina from March 10 to April 12, 1779.
He was paroled and went to Savannah to try to collect his military pay. He told General Augustine Prevost he was owed £435 for his six hundred-plus days’ service. He was denied. Then, going to St. Augustine and spending about a year trying to collect from Governor Tonyn and getting nothing, he decided to go to Georgia where he enlisted with the Georgia Loyalists at Abercorn, Georgia in 1779 as a private. Later he was employed by British Governor of Georgia, James Wright, who paid him seven shillings a day to be a “chequer” of public works beginning in 1780. While there he contracted smallpox, causing him to lose his eyesight.
When Florida was ceded back to Spain in 1783, the new Spanish Governor Zespedes arrived for the transition, which took over two years. In 1785, Jacob sailed with his father and Governor Tonyn back to England. Jacob’s father died in 1786 in England and Jacob lived only a couple more years. He died probably in 1788, in the workhouse of St. Mary la Bonne (now Marylebone) in London, blind and penniless. He had petitioned the government for compensation for unpaid military salary and past expenses of over a £1,000 that he had incurred during the revolution. He received a pittance, only £15 a year.
ENDNOTES

  • DeMond, Robert O. The Loyalists in North Carolina During the Revolution. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1979.
  • “Historical Sketches of North Carolina, from 1584-1851,” Compiled from original documents. Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1851.
  • Moss, Bobby Gilmer. Roster of the Loyalists in the Battle of Moores Creek Bridge. Blacksburg, South Carolina: Hibernia Press, 1992.
  • Clark, Murtie June. Loyalists in the Southern Campaign of the Revolutionary War. Baltimore: Clearfield Company, 1981.
  • Davis, Robert S., Jr. Georgia Citizens and Soldiers of the American Revolution. Greenville, South Carolina: Southern Historical Press, 1983.

Atlantic Loyalist Collections: Loyalist Borderlands on Campobello Island: The Ordeal of Gillam Butler Part One
By Richard Yeomans 2 December 2020
In April of 1786, writing to Lord Sydney, the British Home Secretary, New Brunswick’s Lieutenant Governor Thomas Carleton complained about “a certain Mr. Gillam Butler, an Inhabitant of Campo Bello [sic] Island.” The Governor, a staunch imperialist who surrounded himself with likeminded loyalist refugees, informed Sydney that Butler was caught by officials at the Saint John Customs House swearing a false oath in an attempt to gain a register (a list of commercial goods on a British vessel) to sell his cargo of American-produced whale oil. “Under circumstances inducing a suspicion of fraud,” Carleton wrote, “[I] ordered an Officer of the Customs to enquire into the affair; and in consequence of the discoveries made by him, have directed the Attorney General, without delay, to prosecute Mr. Butler.”
At a glance, the Governor’s letter to Sydney does not seem unusual to anyone familiar with scholarship on the loyalists. Thomas Carleton despised any challenge to British authority in New Brunswick and made every effort to curb illicit trade between the new colony and the equally new United States. Elite loyalists were inclined to support Carleton for much the same reason…. Read more…

JAR: William Allen and His Family: Tories or Patriots?
by Robert N. Fanelli 2 December 2020
Common wisdom paints William Allen, a wealthy and prominent Pennsylvanian, as a traitor to the cause of American independence. As the revolution grew, the politically powerful Allen, unwilling to break entirely with Britain, retired from public life, while three of his sons—attainted of treason and forced into exile—had much of their property confiscated. Despite their earlier efforts on behalf of American liberty, the Allens became objects of scorn, their contributions to their young nation forgotten. But things are seldom as simple as they appear on the surface. What might we learn from a closer examination of the Allens’ plight?
Born in Philadelphia in 1704, William Allen was the son of a Presbyterian Scots Irish immigrant, also named William, and a Quaker, Mary Budd, daughter of a prosperous New Jersey family. A successful merchant, his father sent young William to study law in England in 1720, where the youth resided for several years, and where he came to know John and Thomas Penn, sons of the provincial founder, the proprietors (effectively the owners and heads of government) of Pennsylvania. Returning in 1725 to settle his father’s estate, William inherited a substantial mercantile enterprise which he soon put to good use, expanding his business interests, speculating successfully in vast amounts of land and, as a lawyer, engaging in political support of the Penn family’s interests.
In 1734 he married Margaret Hamilton, daughter of the powerful Philadelphia lawyer Andrew Hamilton, well known to history for his defense of publisher John Peter Zenger in 1735, a landmark case promoting freedom of the press in America. Together, Hamilton and Allen donated funds and purchased the land to build Pennsylvania’s state house, known today as Independence Hall. Read more…

JAR: La Petite Guerre and American Indian Irregular Warfare: Siblings, But Not Twins
by Brian Gerring 3 December 2020
When the major European powers began to use light troops in the mid-eighteenth century, they typically employed them in a manner of war that the French labeled as la petite guerre. Troops participating in la petite guerre operated separately from the main army, often using speed and maneuver for quick attacks and ambushes in support of an army’s goals. Concurrent with this European development was warfare between North American Indian tribes and American colonists, an ongoing clash beginning in the sixteenth century. In their conduct of war, American Indians typically operated using similar tactics to European light troops—maneuver and speed for sudden attacks and ambushes—while also utilizing the wooded North American terrain to their advantage. In a sermon concerning Maj. Gen. Edward Braddock’s defeat, William Vinal declared that “as to the General, he was an experienced warrior, in the Regular Way . . . But he had not opportunity to acquaint himself with the Irregular Manner of fighting in this country [italics in the original].” Because of the similarities between European petite guerre and the North American Indian irregular manner of war, there is an assumption that the two forms of warfare were the same. From the primary sources, however, it is clear that, while similar in conduct, Europe’s petite guerre and the Indian’s irregular manner of war were two distinct forms of warfare for most of the eighteenth century.
There is no exact phrase for regular European warfare in the primary sources. After all, it was the regular way that armies conducted warfare, which consisted primarily of infantry-based armies, supported by cavalry and artillery, battling in open terrain or conducting well-ordered sieges. During regular warfare, European armies conducted battles using linear tactics, which involved lines of troops maneuvering in orderly fashion and firing in massed volleys. Read more…

ERC: Defence, Honour, and Dress in Renaissane Male Wardrobe
By Victoria Bartels 12 November 2020
In early modern Europe, one could argue that all types of dress and apparel offered protection. Clothing acted as a barrier between the physical body and the outside world, shielding it from over exposure and external threats. The link between protection and fashion was most pronounced, however, in the Renaissance male wardrobe. Men’s dress often included literal objects of defence, such as swords, daggers, and protective garments. Notions of masculinity in this period stemmed from medieval chivalric ideals, thus, protecting oneself and one’s household became traits associated with male honour. Violence on the street or in the market, workshop, or tavern were common occurrences in early modern Italian life. Thus, weapons became both fashionable and functional, and were understood as symbols of one’s masculinity. Read more…

The Queen Will Spend ‘Quiet’ Christmas at Windsor Castle
by Victoria Ward, Daily Telegraph
The Queen and Duke of Edinburgh will forgo the traditional family Christmas at Sandringham to spend the period quietly at Windsor, Buckingham Palace has confirmed.
In a bid to lead by example, the monarch, 94, will significantly scale down this year’s festive gathering to celebrate alone with the Duke, who turns 100 next June.
Royal sources suggested that at some point during the holiday, the couple might be joined briefly by others, including the Prince of Wales and the Duchess of Cornwall, for a socially distanced visit, possibly outside.
It will be the first Christmas in 33 years that the Queen has not spent at Sandringham, her Norfolk estate and the first since 1949, when they were in Malta, that the couple have spent Christmas alone.
In another break with tradition, the royals have decided not to attend church on Christmas Day in order to avoid crowds gathering.
The Prince of Wales and Duchess of Cornwall will spend Christmas Day at Highgrove, their Gloucestershire home, but do expect to see the Queen and the Duke in Windsor at some point, potentially outside. The Duchess will also see her own family during the holiday.
The elderly couple are in the most at risk bracket for coronavirus and have thus far been carefully shielded by what has become known as “HMS bubble,” comprising a vastly reduced staff.


Netflix Fails to Show Real Importance of the Crown
By Nathan Tidridge, 30 November 2020
A cardinal lesson I impart on my students is that we do not watch historical movies and television to learn facts. Rather, we watch these productions to learn how that history is seen by the people who wrote and produced them at that later point in time.
This lesson should be top of mind when viewing “The Crown,” a beautiful production by Peter Morgan that sacrifices facts in an effort to create the narratives needed to make the drama commercially marketable.
If “The Crown” kept to the facts as they are known, we would be left with a far more complex show that likely would make little sense except to those that actually lived the experiences — such is real life. I find myself agreeing with Heather Mallick’s recent frustration with the drama’s sweeping scenes of people surveying pillows or running up stairs.
Why not highlight the important work undertaken by members of the Royal Family? Read more…
NOTE: Nathan Tidridge. In 2017 Nathan was awarded the Meritorious Service Medal by Governor General Julie Payette highlighting his work in understanding the complex relationships between Indigenous Peoples and the Crown. The United Empire Loyalist Association of Canada highlighted his work by making Nathan their first Honorary Fellow in 2018. Read more…

Who is Kevin Wisener UE?
As requested, by way of introduction, I am a past member of the UELAC Abegweit Branch. I became a member c. 2003 while researching my family history. Some names spring to mind from that time period namely; Orlo Jones who was the Genealogist with the Prince Edward Island Museum and Heritage Foundation and Bertha Brown from the Abegweit Branch among others. Their assistance was timely and valuable regarding Loyalist history on Prince Edward Island. I successfully traced my lineage back to my Loyalist ancestor Leonard Weisner/Wisner of Pensacola, West Florida and Prince Edward Island and completed the journey with the publication in 2005 of my family history “The Gulf Coast Loyalist“.
Recently, I was saddened to learn that the Abegweit Branch of the UELAC had become dormant and somewhat fortuitously also read your invitation to help build the Loyalist Directory. I did scan the directory for familiar Loyalist names from Prince Edward Island and realized that there were many missing Loyalist families. Having recently retired from the Government of Canada in Ottawa after 31 years of service and given the pandemic limitations for the foreseeable future, I thought I should volunteer my time to expand the PEI Loyalist content in the UELAC Directory in the hopes that this may encourage descendants to engage in researching their families’ Loyalist history and perhaps even encourage Islanders to revive the Abegweit Branch.
I hope this in some measure explains the recent flurry of PEI Loyalist profile submissions you have received from me on behalf of Prince Edward Island Loyalists not yet in the Loyalist Directory.
Kind regards, Kevin Wisener, Ottawa
NOTE: Kevin has been submitting several new directory entries for Loyalists from PEI to help develop the representation of UE Loyalists from there (see next item).

Additions to the Loyalist Directory
As time permits, we add information to the Loyalist Directory. The latest additions and updates are as follows:

  • James Lewis Hayden – contributed by Kevin Wisener
  • Samuel Hayden – contributed by Kevin Wisener
  • William Hayden – contributed by Kevin Wisener
  • Richard Slingerland – contributed from Branch records by Jo Ann Tuskin
  • Guysbart Sharp – contributed from Branch records by Jo Ann Tuskin

Please help us build the directory by contributing more information for it. Contact loyalist.trails@uelac.org for instructions and guidance.

Where in the World are Grietje and Bob McBride, and Bill Atkinson?

Never To Forget” … Where in the world are Grietje and Bob McBride, and Bill Atkinson of Kawartha Branch?

Please help us build the directory by contributing more information for it. Contact loyalist.trails@uelac.org for instructions and guidance

From the Twittersphere and Beyond

  • Happy Saint Andrew’s Day! Wishing all my friends in Scotland and others a wonderful day. Seemed like a good one to wear my Nova Scotia tartan shirt to the office. Brian McConnell UE
  • Colonial newspapers contributed to the perpetuation of slavery. Advertised 250 years ago today: “To be SOLD, A stout, healthy Negro Man … who understands Farming and Shoemaking … a Negro Woman … who understands any Houshold Work.” (Essex Gazette 12/4/1770)
  • This Week in History
  • Clothing and Related:
    • luxurious, sparkling suit on exhibition @HistDeerfield. French or English, c1750, rose-colored & silver gilt metallic figured silk w/linen lining
    • 18th Century dress, rear view of this brocaded silk Court mantua, which belonged to the musical Linley sisters, 1760-1780
    • 18th Century dress, pink silk, unusual front lace up overcoat with long front straps coming down from the collar, crossing over the bodice to hide the front lacing and wrapped and pinned to the rear of the dress, 1770-1780’s
    • 18th Century wedding dress of Hannah Palmer of Bedford, she wore this dress when she married the Reverend William Bull of Newport Pagnell in June 1768. Her marriage was a long and happy one. The dress stayed in her family until 1987
    • Detail of 18th Century stomacher, pinned to close the overcoat of the gown. It is beautifully embroidered with floral designs, using coloured silk and metal thread. c.1725
    • 18th Century dress, formal day wear of 1720’s. The pale blue silk of this example is brocaded in silver in a large-scale pattern of fantastic fruits and leaves. The train of the gown is folded up and the sides held back with a loop and button.
    • 18th Century men’s waistcoat, or vest, striped silk embroidered with floral motifs c.1785
    • 18th Century men’s waistcoat, cherry red silk and fine cream Beauvais stitch embroidery, 1770-1790
    • 18th Century men’s coat of brown silk, shaped front and full skirt which is interlined, possibly with horsehair, deep turn-back cuffs faced with pale blue silk, coat lined with pale blue silk, cuffs & pockets trimmed with silver lace, c.1740
  • Townsends
  • Miscellaneous
    • We’ve got the perfect ingredient for #ArchivesBakeOff — Christopher Ludwick’s cookie board in our collection! Ludwick established a bakery in Philadelphia in 1754 and served as Superintendent of Bakers in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War. …Museum of the American Revolution
    • Salutation Street: The Long and Short of It. A short strange street in Boston – with a history. Posted on December 4, 2020 by Aline Kaplan. Salutation: n. 1. A polite expression of greeting or goodwill. 2. A gesture of greeting, as a bow or kiss. 3. A word of phrase of greeting. That seems clear enough. But why name a whole street for such an expression of bonhomie? At a time when we as a nation could use more goodwill, I thought it would be interesting to find out.

Published by the UELAC
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